Monday, May 15, 2017

Which is the most shameful incident in Indian political history?

The most shameful chapter in the history of independent India was the genocide of Kashmiri Pandits. Although it has been going on for decades, the events that were triggered on January 19, 1990 led to the mass exodus of nearly half-a-million Kashmiri Hindus. Only a few other events in world history compare in scale and magnitude to the tragedy that befell the unfortunate Pandits. They were warned through posters and loud speakers that they had two choices: either convert to Islam or be prepared to be killed. Their men were brutally tortured and killed and their women were raped and killed. The population of Kashmiri Pandits in Srinagar valley was about 15% when India attained Independence. It came down to a fraction of 1% by 2010. Between 1990 and December 6, 1992, 160 Hindu temples were razed to the ground. The excuse of retaliation for Babri Masjid does not hold good.

Members of an elite community that provided intellectual leadership to the Kashmiri society were suddenly rendered homeless and became refugees in their own country! After the Pandits fled, some 25000 standalone houses belonging to them were burnt down. Others were simply occupied. Some of the Pandits who had the foresight to see what was coming sold away their properties ─ ancestral homes and other precious heirlooms ─ at throw away prices and fled to Jammu and other Indian cities.

What followed (in January 1990) was even worse. The state government led by Farooq Abdullah abdicated its responsibility leaving the victims to the tender mercies of barbaric butchers. Abdullah himself went away to London where he merrily played golf and other ‘adult games’. His behaviour is comparable to that of the Roman emperor, Nero who famously or notoriously ‘fiddled while Rome was burning’!

The central government did nothing to ameliorate the situation; the human rights activists remained uncharacteristically silent; the secular intelligentsia turned a deaf ear and the world ignored the humongous tragedy. The Pandits themselves stoically accepted their fate. There were no protests; no demonstrations; they did not resort to violence or destruction of public property and they did not produce suicide bombers.

They did not have godfathers in the human rights circuits in New York and Washington and the matter was scarcely if ever was raised in the human rights debates in the UNO. Just to give you an idea of how the human rights ‘activists’ treated the issue, the New York based ‘Human Rights Watch’ which produced a 68-page report on the 2002 Gujarat riots (in which 890 Muslims and 294 Hindus were killed) has all of one paragraph comprising about 75 words on the Kashmiri Pandit genocide (which victimized more than half-a-million people), on its website. A famous electronic media journalist, who in her budding years reported from Kashmir, glibly explained that the ethnic strife in Kashmir was the result of ‘social tensions’ between poor working-class Muslims and prosperous, elite Hindus. A clip of her reportage has been doing the rounds on social media for quite some time now.

All that the governments would do was putting up the Pandits in camps outside Jammu and Delhi. Just imagine three generations of a family living in a (eight feet by eight feet) room made up of canvas walls and partitioned by bedsheets! Life in the camps was harsh. They had to live in unfamiliar surroundings in subhuman conditions. There is already an underlay of fear, of persecution, torture, violent death and an uncertain future. They were not used to the harsh hot climates of Jammu and Delhi. All this led them to suffer from a number of physical and mental disorders from diarrhoea and dysentery to skin rashes and phobias and manias. Menopausal age in women dropped from a national average of 55 years to 35 years. It was reported after a survey that in a ‘relief camp’ comprising 300 families there were more than 200 deaths in the five years between 2001 and 2005 while there were only 5 births. How can genocide get worse?

There is a most poignant postscript to the (unending) saga of the misery of the Kashmiri Pandits. It was the death in 2013, of an inmate of a relief camp in Jammu due to starvation. Because the authorities did not provide rations to the camp in time. An incident for which every civilized Indian should hang his head in shame!
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This is the reply posted to a question on Quora 


Wednesday, March 01, 2017

Of Manifestos & Congress Party’s Backward March

“Reaching for their grubby lecture notes, scribbled at the pre-war London School of Economics, the second generation socialists went into action. They produced between them, the Labour Party’s Manifesto of 1945. Under the inspiring title Let us Face the Future, its authors planned to solve the problems of the past.”

- C. Northcote Parkinson in Left Luggage

Instead of the ‘second generation socialists’, the motley crowd of Naxalites and pseudo-economists that infest the NAC, have gone into action, with a similar backward vision to produce the Congress party’s 2014 Manifesto.

The grand document opens with a lie in its first paragraph, in the statement that the “Indian National Congress made seminal contribution to India’s unity, integrity, secular polity and democratic federalism.” Wasn’t it under the Indian National Congress that India lost 38000 square kilometres of land to China and 78000 squarekilometres to Pakistan?

And then, instead of telling the voter what it intends to do to solve the myriad problems that plague the nation, if it were returned to power, it gets down to bash its principal opposition, the BJP. Scroll down to the next page and you will have a surprise. Splashed in the centre of the page in large caps is the question, ‘CONGRE SS OR BJP’ without the question mark. The space you see between ‘CONGRE’ and ‘SS’ is not a typo in this article, but is as seen in the downloaded .pdf document.

The party’s report card informs us that ‘the Congress-led UPA has brought 14 crore people out of poverty in the last ten years.’ Oh, yeah! These people can now eat a sumptuous meal @ between `1 and `12! 

Whoever has written the manifesto is adept at fabricating history. The economic reforms were advanced by a decade to credit them to Rajiv Gandhi and the dynasty and to rob P. V. Narasimha Rao of his due:

“In the 1980’s, economic reforms were launched in response to new challenges, to modernise the Indian economy…”

There is this ‘Right to entrepreneurship’ in the ‘15 Point Agenda For Socio-Economic And Political Transformation’. Now, what the heck is ‘right to entrepreneurship’? Is it ‘entrepreneurship’ of the Robert Vadra variety or the crony capitalism of the A. Raja type? For the rest there is a ‘pledge’ in answer to every criticism levelled by Narendra Modi in his critiques of UPA’s 10 year misrule in his electioneering! The party pledges to achieve in five years what it could not in ten years! The pernicious Communal Violence Bill finds a place in this section.

Sonia Gandhi’s ‘tireless campaign and vision’ does not fail Parkinson! How does one reconcile [the resolve to] ‘promote a more flexible labour policy as needed for maintaining competitiveness’ (3 i. p. 10) with ‘strengthening collective bargaining’ (5. p. 14)? Was page 10 written by Jairam Ramesh and page 14 by the bots in the NAC?

Having run the economy into the ground during the last ten years the party seems to have woken up to the perils of its profligacy. It therefore slips this slice of wisdom into the fine print of the section, ‘An Economic Roadmap for 2014 - 2019’ (This section seems to have been written by a different hand, as evidenced by the fact that the articles in this section are not numbered with Arabic as elsewhere but Roman numerals.):     

vii. Subsidies: Given the limited resources, and the many claims on the resources, we must choose the subsidies that are absolutely necessary and give them only to the absolutely deserving.

And then there is the middle class which is the most pliant in conforming to economic laws. Having been conditioned to put up with abysmal levels of service in all public utilities for over six decades under its decadent rule, the Congress party feels it would not now mind being taxed to receive what is its due:

We will also consider introducing sensible user charges because many more people are willing to pay for better quality services, for example, uninterrupted power and better quality train services. We will use this money saved to expand health, education and infrastructure. 

The difficulty with this formulation is that it ignores the amorphous nature of the middle class. The middle class ranges from a call centre employee who draws a monthly salary of `10000 to a software engineer who is paid upwards of  `100000.

Even after the Supreme Court threw the `10000 plus crore Aadhaar card scheme out of the window the following paragraph finds mention in the section, ‘Accelerating Job Creation and Skill Development’:

4. Aadhaar is a powerful tool for protecting the interests of migrant labour, as well as ensuring the smooth flow of remittances to their families. All migrant labour will be covered under the Aadhaar programme in the next one year, through a special campaign.

The party considers the Communal Violence Bill so important that it finds a second mention under the section, ‘Safeguarding Minorities’ in the ‘Detailed Action Plan 2014 - 2019’. There are several others, detailed elsewhere, which were repeated in the section, probably to make up the bulk.

The party does not bother to broach about terrorism (the section on Internal Security deals with Left Wing Extremism) but has a small paragraph tucked in the foreign policy section:

7. On Pakistan we will encourage the new government’s stated position to improve relations with India but calibrate the dialogue consistent with delivery on accountability for 26/11 as well as dismantling of the infrastructure of terrorism on Pakistani soil.

The manifesto, long on rhetoric and short on substance, ends with again cribbing and cawing about its principal opposition, the BJP.

It is for the people of this country to decide whether they would like to vote for a party that does not even wish to utter the word ‘terrorism’ in its manifesto. 

Saturday, January 14, 2017

Public Intellectuals: Leading Lights Of The Society Or Weathercocks?

[...] Leadership literature has an unverified story that explains the seamy side of leadership of mass movements. During the days of the French revolution, so goes the story, a newspaperman was having a tête-à-tête with a leader of the revolution in a Paris café. As they were sipping coffee and chatting, a wildly howling mob shouting slogans stomped by. The newspaperman wondered what the procession was about. On hearing this, the ‘leader’ shouted, ‘Oh my God, I am supposed to lead the procession’ and ran out. At times, when mass movements acquire a momentum of their own, ‘revolutionary’ leaders might have to follow the mobs while pretending they were leading. It is a fact of life of leading mass movements.

On the other hand, the intellectuals of a society are not weathercocks but its leading lights. They do not (and should not) sometimes follow pretending always to lead. They should possess the moral fibre and intellectual integrity to pursue ideals even if they are unpopular. The words ‘honesty’ and ‘integrity’ are interchangeable but are paired to amplify the meaning, in a figure of speech known as synonymia. The word ‘integrity’ is derived from the mathematical term ‘integer’, meaning a whole number, undivided or complete. When someone is said to be honest or has integrity, there can be no ‘partial honesty’ or ‘fractional integrity’. He either is honest or has integrity, or not. Lamentably many of our public intellectuals fail in this test. If a society cannot provide the protection needed for free expression of ideas, it is the public intellectuals who should hold themselves responsible for their failure to create the ambience for free flow of ideas. If the public intellectuals swing with political winds they cannot expect the society to conform to abstract ideals. The issue of freedom of expression may be cited as an example. Is it absolute or are there limits to it? If the public intellectuals champion absolute freedom on one occasion, but argue alibis for scuttling it on another for political reasons, their vacillation cannot advance the cause of freedom of expression. It keeps the society splintered by competitive populism. [...] 

Excerpted from ‘INTRODUCTION’: ‘TWISTING FACTS TO SUIT THEORIES’ & OTHER SELECTIONS FROM VOXINDICA. p. 20-21. 

See the post dated December 10, 2016 below to view the book's CONTENTS.

Wednesday, December 21, 2016

'Twisting Facts To Suit Theories' & Other Selections From VOXINDICA

Here is what a reader said [Link]:
A book like this is long overdue!
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ORDER YOUR COPY NOW!
[Scroll down to see Contents.]
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About the book:
  • Meticulously researched and written citing about 250 references, the book
  • Exposes the pusillanimity of the Indian intelligentsia!
  • Exposes the hypocrisy and double standards of the Indian media!
  • Exposes the deviousness behind writing and teaching of Indian history!
  • Exposes the hollowness and treachery of Indian secularism!
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AVAILABLE THROUGH AMAZON ONLINE STORES: 
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LINK FOR ORDERING YOUR COPY FROM INDIA: 
https://goo.gl/FWtTsJ

LINK FOR ORDERING YOUR COPY FROM OUTSIDE INDIA:
https://goo.gl/s4FXGm

ORDER YOUR COPY NOW!
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The book addresses key issues that concern the Indian society today: freedom of expressionmedia objectivitythe skewed concept of Indian secularism and the teaching of doctored history

Why is the majority religion always at the receiving end in the name of ‘secularism’? Why does ‘secularism’ connote one obligation for practitioners of the majority religion and another for the minorities? Why does the word ‘secularism’ have one meaning in the Kashmir valley and another in the rest of India? 

Why do we teach ‘doctored’ history in our schools and colleges? If, as is feared, teaching about the atrocities of long gone invaders exacerbates communal tensions, why does the news media show gory images of something happened in the recent past again and again, exaggerating them a thousand-fold? Does it promote communal harmony? Why does the news media magnify even minute excesses of the one side and at the same time wilfully and completely airbrush similar misdemeanours of the other? 

These are the questions that should be asked of the Indian milieu, which has come to be dominated by the oxymoronic ‘left-liberal’ for far too long. If ever a phrase justifies being termed an oxymoron then it is ‘left-liberal’. The ‘left-liberal’ are neither left nor liberal. And there would not be anyone more illiberal than them. They call anyone who disagrees with them or anyone with whom they disagree, ‘Fascists’! The milieu needs correction. It needs voices that project the right perspective.  This book attempts to provide that perspective.

For quite some time now, there have been suggestions from well-wishers to publish the contents of my blog site (http://www.voxindica.net/) in book form. I have resisted the suggestions initially as I felt the content that goes into blogs and websites is by and large topical and may at the most have academic referential value. Why publish it in book form?
While it is true many of the events that blogs narrate are of a transient nature, the issues that trigger the events quite often have long lasting effect. For example, the impact of the events triggered by the publication of a short story in Deccan Herald in 1986 is felt even today, thirty years later. The events cast such terror in what social-psychologists call ‘the collective consciousness’ of the Indian media that the issue is not invoked even as an example of an attack on the freedom of expression. In point of fact it would be an instructive case study worthy of discussion in journalism and social science classrooms. Consumed by dhimmitude, intrepid champions of freedom of expression live in Orwellian denial blanking off the events from memory.  

CONTENTS
FOREWORD

INTRODUCTION                                                                                                                

SECTION I − FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION

ARTISTIC FREEDOM & SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY
              
              SECULAR BIASES
              COURTESANS NOT GODDESSES
              IS ARTISTIC FREEDOM ABSOLUTE?
              SURPRISING VERDICT
              FALLACY, IGNORANCE OR MISCHIEF?
              YALE UNIVERSITY EXAMPLE
              GRATUITOUS OBITER DICTA

THE CURIOUS CASE OF "DECCAN CHRONICLE" AS THE CHAMPION OF FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION

CHARLIE HEBDO MASSACRE & INDIAN INTELLECTUAL CHICANERY

SONIA & RAHUL MORE VENERABLE THAN ‘SITA & SARASWATI’?

SECTION II − TWISTING FACTS TO SUIT THEORIES

A LeT OPERATION IN J&K AND A DETENTION IN THE US! 

A WORM’S-EYE VIEW OF THE STATESMAN & THE TIMES OF INDIA

‘SUE WILEY’, ECONOMISING TRUTH & DAMAGING DISTORTIONS

             SUE WILEY 
               ECONOMIZING TRUTH & DAMAGING DISTORTIONS

ANGRY JANES, MAD TOMS & ‘INTERNET HINDUS’

               ANGRY JANES & MAD TOMS
               WHO OWNS THE MEDIA?
               WHAT IS OUTLOOK’S PROBLEM?

IBN-LIVE 'DISREGARDS' TRUTH

               HINDUTWA, SECULAR POLARITY
               SECULAR HEADLINE WRITING
               LIES, DAMN LIES & SECULAR LIES
               THE MORE CREDIBLE EVIDENCE

MEDIA AND ETHICS IN BRITAIN AND INDIA

FACTS ARE FLUID – COMMENT IS SACRED!

STING MERCHANTS & TRUTH FAIRIES

NEW YORK TIMES’ OUTSOURCED ‘INDIAN-SECULARISM’

DOROTHY DIXERS AND GRAPEFRUITS

NATWAR SINGH AND THE HINDU PARALLAX

INDIAN MEDIA’S ‘DEUS EX MACHINA’


LAZY, TABLOID, STEREOTYPE JOURNALISM


SECTION III − A DECADE OF SECULAR LIES

A REQUIEM FOR GODHRA

               THE TRAUMA OF BURNING
               THE LONELINESS OF PAIN
               NO WREATHS FOR THE KARSEVAKS!
               THE POLITICS OF DEATH

THE SECULAR GALAHADS OF JUSTICE!

               THE NEW KATHERINE MAYO
               THE BENT COPS
               THE HIRED GUNS

A DECADE OF SECULAR LIES

               THE KANGAROO COURTS
               JUSTICE TEWATIA COMMITTEE REPORT

HISTORY OF BLOODIER RIOTS

ENCOUNTERS, REAL, FAKE OR OPTICAL ILLUSION?

              ‘GANDHIANS WITH GUNS’
               ‘USEFUL IDIOTS’, EMPATHIZING TERROR?
               ENCOUNTERS, ENCOUNTERS, ENCOUNTERED!

SECTION IV − SHOULD WE REWRITE HISTORY?

HISTORICAL DILEMMAS

SHOULD WE REWRITE HISTORY?

RATIONALIZING GENOCIDE?
LEARNING OR POLITICAL CONDITIONING?

INTEGRATION OF INDIA – A TEST OF LEADERSHIP

JUNAGADH & HYDERABAD SNATCHING VICTORY FROM JAWS OF DEFEAT
JAMMU & KASHMIR SNATCHING DEFEAT FROM JAWS OF VICTORY
INTRODUCTION
MOUNTBATTEN’S FOXY ROLE
JUNAGADH
HYDERABAD
JAMMU & KASHMIR
PLEBISCITE RESOLUTION SABOTAGED BY PAKISTAN
STRATEGIC BLUNDER - 1949 NY GIFT

INDIA CHINA WAR 1962

INDIAN SHAME - CHINESE PERFIDY
THE TIBET BLUNDER
THE CHINESE FIFTH COLUMN

SECTION V − INDIAN SECULARISM

RAM JANMA BHUMI IN HIGH COURT

HOW PSEUDO-EXPERTS FAILED PSEUDO-SECULARS
PERVERSION OF HISTORY
IS A TEMPLE AT AYODHYA AGAINST REPUBLICAN IDEAL?
HAS THE COUNTRY MOVED ON?
MSM: ‘REWIND, FREEZE FRAME’
DISMISSAL OF TITLE SUIT CONCLUSIVE
PSEUDO-EXPERTS FAILED PSEUDO-SECULARS!
ISN’T IT TIME TO MOVE ON?

KASHMIRI PANDITS - A FORSAKEN MINORITY

NAC’S COMMUNAL VIOLENCE BILL

RETELL THE WOLF AND THE GOAT STORY!
THE WOLF AND THE GOAT
TARGETING HINDUS
TWIST IN THE TALE

SECTION VI − MISCELLANY

DEMOCRACY, FREE SPEECH & SECESSION

INDO-PAK RELATIONS - LESSONS FROM HISTORY

SCRAP ARTICLE 370. SAY ‘NO’ TO PAK SIACHEN PROPOSAL

‘WAR SPEECH’ COST GANDHI HIS ‘NOBEL’?

HOW TO TACKLE BLACK MONEY MENACE

WILL ‘INDIANS AGAINST CORRUPTION’ WIN?

ANNA HAZARE AND INDIANS AGAINST CORRUPTION
DRAMA AT JANTAR MANTAR
CYNICS & INTELLIGENTSIA VERSUS. CIVIL SOCIETY

‘AAM ADMI PARTY’ AND THE BATTLE OF PERCEPTION

P. V. NARASIMHA RAO AND THE ELUSIVE ‘BHARAT RATNA’!

IS ASTROLOGY SCIENCE OR SUPERSTITION?

IS THE UN A WHITE-MAN’S CLUB?

A PARTY OF VICTORS?
INDIA’S CLAIM FOR UNSC MEMBERSHIP
INDIAN NAÏVETÉ

UPA’S NAC RULE - DICTATORSHIP IN DISGUISE?

WILL WE RETURN TO ‘HINDU RATE OF GROWTH’?

‘NEHRUVIAN RATE OF GROWTH’
IMPLOSION OF A SOCIALIST SOCIETY
FAILED PROPHET OF SOCIALISM
‘HINDU RATE OF GROWTH’

FOREIGN INVESTMENT IN RETAIL - BANE OR BOON?

THE CHINESE EXAMPLE
AN INDIAN EXAMPLE

INDO-US NUCLEAR DEAL DEMYSTIFIED

INTRODUCTION
NUCLEAR MINERAL RESOURCES & TECHNOLOGY
NUCLEAR RESOURCES AND ENERGY PRODUCTION
THE 123-AGREEMENT VIS-À-VIS US REGULATIONS
THE COURSE OF THE NUCLEAR DEAL
THE OPPOSITION
CONCLUSION

CONCLUSION

END ACADEMIC APARTHEID

Saturday, November 19, 2016

Abolition Of Privy Purses Betrayal Of Constitution?

Admirers of Indira Gandhi have often described the abolition of ‘Privy Purses’ as one of her principal achievements, along with the nationalisation of banks and the victory in the 1971 war. The first two were populist measures intended to derive electoral advantage in an era in which socialism was seen as a panacea for all social and economic ills. The third, viz. the Bangladesh war was in a way thrust upon India. To give Indira Gandhi her due she had the political will to stand up to Pakistan overtly supported by the USA. While China offered covert support to Pakistan there was the lurking fear that she might open up a second front in the war.

Privy Purses

The rulers of the erstwhile princely States which were amalgamated in the ‘Union of States’ as the Constitution described the newly emergent nation were to sign two documents known as the ‘Instrument of Accession’(IoA)[1] and the ‘Standstill Agreement’ (SA)[2]. Under the IoA the princes were to surrender only Communications, Defence, External Affairs and some ancillary matters to the Indian Union.

As late as February 1947, Nehru had assured the Negotiating Committee of the Chamber of Princes that neither the monarchical form of government, nor the integrity of the States, would be touched. […] The grant of Privy Purses to the rulers was a sort of quid pro quo for the surrender by them of all their ruling powers and for the dissolution of their States.[3]

The privy purses were thus an important component of Sardar Patel’s negotiated settlement with the 562 princely States which were amalgamated in the Indian union. The settlement was incorporated in the Indian Constitution under Articles 291 and 362.

When they agreed to amalgamate their States in the Indian union, the rulers of the princely States had surrendered the towns and villages that comprised the States, thousands of acres of jagir land, palaces and other buildings, museums with their invaluable treasures, armouries and aircraft (which the larger states had) and other properties. The cash balances and investments of the States which were taken over alone amounted to ₹77 crore. This figure however excludes the cash balances of two large states, Hyderabad and Mysore as they were continuing States at the time. The interest accruals on these amounts alone would more than cover the payment of Privy Purses. In addition to all these assets, the rulers also surrendered a railway system of roughly 12,000 miles (which, to put in perspective was about one sixth of the length of the present track network) and rolling stock, without receiving any compensation.

The Indian government agreed to compensate rulers at a rate of not more than 8.5% of their annual revenues with a ceiling of ₹10 lakh. In subsequent negotiations the ceiling was waived off in eleven cases. Of the 562 princely States 398 were eligible to receive less than ₹50,000 per annum. The largest State, Hyderabad received ₹43 lakh (which in 1947-48 was just 2% of the State’s revenues), whereas the smallest State, Katodia received just ₹192 per year. The objective of the Privy Purses was to

enable the rulers and their successors to adjust themselves to the new order of things and to fit themselves into the modern social and economic pattern (Ibid.)

The Privy Purses were in effect a kind of pension that the Constitution of a sovereign nation guaranteed to pay to the erstwhile rulers, and as Menon put it

The Privy Purse is intended to cover all the expenses of the ruler and his family, including the expenses on account of his personal staff, his palaces and the marriages and other ceremonies in his household. (Ibid.)

The Privy Purses were to be gradually reduced. At the time of independence, the annual outlay for the purses was ₹6 crore. By the time they were abolished by Indira Gandhi in 1971, the figure came down to ₹4 crore. To put this figure in perspective, it amounted to 0.1% of the estimated annual revenue receipts (₹3867 crore) for the year 1970-71.[4]

The Privy Purses were to be paid by the Indian Union into which the princely Sates were absorbed. The rulers were initially apprehensive that they would be at the mercy of the whims and fancies of the popular ministries of the states into which their States were absorbed. The apprehension turned out to be not entirely groundless as in the case of Jammu and Kashmir, as soon as the State acceded to the Indian Union, Sheik Abdullah expelled its ruler from the state. He refused to honour the agreement to pay the negotiated Privy Purse to the Maharajah. The Government of India was forced to pay the Privy Purse and continued to do so till its abrogation by Indira Gandhi.

Political Vendetta?

As in all other matters, the Indian left-illiberal have one take on Jammu and Kashmir and quite a different one for the rest of India. The Privy Purses have been the subject of intense debate for long. For instance they argued for the perpetuation of the purely temporary Article 370; while on the other hand they contended that the Privy Purses were not compatible with an ‘egalitarian social order’.

What could have cooked their goose, perhaps, was that some rulers joined C. Rajagopalachari’s Swatantra Party and in the 1967 general elections defeated many Congress candidates. Indira Gandhi was incensed by this and wanted to teach them a lesson by abolishing the Privy Purses. In 1969 her government introduced the Constitution (Twenty-fourth Amendment) Bill. It was passed by the Lok Sabha with a majority of 332:154 votes but was defeated in the Rajya Sabha by 149:75 votes. Not one to bow to silly inconveniences like parliamentary procedures, she had a pliable President, V. V. Giri issue an order derecognizing the rulers. The September 6, 1970 order was challenged in the Supreme Court by N. A. Palkhivala (and others) in the famous Privy Purses Case and was struck down by the Supreme Court on December 15, 1970.[5]

After Indira Gandhi returned to power with a landslide majority in 1971, her government passed the Constitution (Twenty-sixth Amendment) Bill to abolish the Privy Purses.

Here was what Sardar Patel said commending the adoption of Article 291 in the Constituent Assembly

The Privy Purse settlements are therefore in the nature of consideration for the surrender by the rulers of all their ruling powers and also for the dissolution of the States as separate units. We would do well to remember that the British Government spent enormous amounts in respect of the Mahratta settlements alone. We are ourselves honouring the commitments of the British Government in respect of the pensions of those rulers who helped them to consolidate their empire. Need we cavil then at the small — I purposely use the word small — price we have paid for the bloodless revolution which has affected the destinies of millions of our people?

The capacity for mischief and trouble on the part of the rulers if the settlement with them would not have been reached on a negotiated basis was far greater than could be imagined at this stage.

Let us do justice to them; let us place ourselves in their position and then assess the value of their sacrifice. The rulers have now discharged their part of the obligations by transferring all ruling powers and by agreeing to the integration of their States. The main part of our obligation under these agreements is to ensure that the guarantees given by us in respect of Privy Purses are fully implemented. Our failure to do so would be a breach of faith and seriously prejudice the stabilization of the new order.[6]

In the light of what Patel said, the abolition of the Privy Purses can only be seen as one of the most shameful episodes in the history of our nation because it was betrayal of a solemn Constitutional guarantee.

It may be appropriate to quote here what Arvind P. Datar had to say of the betrayal of the Congress party:

Sardar Patel persuaded the Constituent Assembly to guarantee payment of Privy Purses and preserve the rights of the erstwhile rulers. But the Congress betrayed him 20 years later by abolishing the Privy Purses.[7]



[1] It is an agreement signed by the ruler of the princely State and the dominion of India subjecting the princely State to the Government of India Act 1935. The Instrument of Accession binds the State to the jurisdiction of the Union government for making laws in the areas of Defence, External Affairs, Communications and some ancillary matters.

[2] It is an agreement that assures continuance of any ‘existing agreements and administrative arrangements in the matters of common concern’ existing between the Indian State and the British government. It specifies eighteen administrative areas in the Schedule attached to the agreement. It also signifies the end of Paramountcy of the British government. 

[3] Menon, V.P. (1955). Chapter XXV, “The Cost of Integration”: The Story Of The Integration Of The Indian States. Longmans Green & Co. London. pp. 324-328.

[4] Annual budget speech for 1970-71 delivered by Indira Gandhi in the Lok Sabha on February 28, 1970. Accessible from http://indiabudget.nic.in/bspeech/bs197071.pdf

[5] H. H. Maharajadhiraja Madhav Rao ... vs Union Of India on 15 December, 1970. Accessible from https://indiankanoon.org/doc/660275/

[6] Menon, V.P. (1955). Chapter XXVI, “Retrospect and Prospect”: The Story Of The Integration Of The Indian States. Longmans Green & Co. London. pp. 329-335.

[7] “Who Betrayed Sardar Patel” The Hindu. November, 19, 2013. Accessible from http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-opinion/who-betrayed-sardar-patel/article5366083.ece